|
Not all presidential elections are equal. It made a lot of
difference to America's future that Andrew Jackson beat John
Quincy Adams in 1828, that Abraham Lincoln bested Stephen
A. Douglas in 1860, and that the 20th century's two most influential
presidents, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Ronald Reagan, topped
Herbert Hoover and Jimmy Carter, respectively.
Conversely, it's not easy to see that the Republic was decisively
affected by James Polk's victory over Henry Clay in 1844,
Samuel Tilden's disputed loss to Rutherford B. Hayes in 1876,
or the seesaw between Grover Cleveland and Benjamin Harrison
in 1884, 1888 and 1892.
The presidential election of 2004 will be another nation-defining
fork in the road, a decision with enormous historical consequences.
Forty years
after JFK's death,
the two great questions
before the Republic are, what is that freedom, and how
shall we defend it?
|
Beneath the blizzard of rhetoric in recent months, two issues
of grave importance have surfaced. The parties, the candidates
and the American people seem deeply divided on them; the coveted
"middle ground" is going to be hard to find. (Indeed, in the
months ahead, there will be several occasions to remember
something I first heard in Texas: "The only things in the
middle of the road are yellow stripes and dead armadillos.")
The first great issue in this election is the choice between
the world imagined by "September 10 people" and the world
imagined by "September 12 people."
For September 10 people, what happened on September 11,
2001, is best understood as a crime --- crime on a vast, unprecedented
scale, to be sure, but crime nonetheless. On this analysis,
the appropriate response to the crime of September 11, and
the way to prevent such criminal acts in the future, is through
more vigilant and effective police work. Al-Qaeda and similar
terrorist organizations should be dealt with in about the
same way we deal with international criminal organizations:
through enhanced intelligence, interdiction strategies, and
the use of international legal institutions. It's not unlikely
that September 10 people would find sympathy for their views
among many Europeans.
For
September 12 people, September 11 was an act of war. Its purpose
was what an enemy's purpose always is in war: to break the
opponent's will and thus force the opponent to surrender.
The appropriate response to an act of war, September 12 people
argue, is war: the use of proportionate and discriminate military
force to defeat the aggressor and those who support aggression,
to deter future predators, and to restore the necessary minimum
of order to world affairs. September 12 people agree with
September 10 people that the U.S. needs better intelligence-gathering
and analysis; but September 12 people are inclined to use
that intelligence to take the battle, forcefully, to the enemy,
whom they understand as a combatant, not a criminal.
The second great issue underlying the 2004 campaign involves
the nature of freedom. Is freedom a means to satisfy personal
"needs"? Or does freedom have something to do with moral truth
--- with goodness? Is freedom doing things "my way"? Or is
freedom doing the right thing for the right reasons in the
right way, as a matter of habit (which is another name for
"virtue")? Once again, the parties, the candidates, and the
nation seem sharply divided here.
The abortion debate, the struggle to define moral and legal
boundaries for the development of biotechnology, and the question
of a Federal Marriage Amendment are all expressions of this
more fundamental division over the nature of freedom. If the
argument for freedom as personal willfulness ("my way") prevails,
it seems likely that abortion will remain unrestricted, the
biotech industry virtually unregulated, and "marriage" will
mean, eventually, any configuration of (perhaps any number
of) consenting adults. If the argument prevails that freedom
means freely choosing what we can know to be morally good,
there may be a real chance to accelerate the building of a
culture of life in America.
In President Kennedy's last speech, the morning before he
died, he told the people of Fort Worth that America is "the
keystone in the archway of freedom." Forty years later, the
two great questions before the Republic are, what is that
freedom, and how shall we defend it? A lot of 21st century
history will turn on how the American people answer those
questions on November 2.
George Weigel is a senior fellow of the Ethics and Public
Policy Center in Washington, D.C.
|