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In early December 1980, Warsaw Pact infantry and armored
divisions, most of them Soviet, moved into position along
Poland's borders. Three months earlier, the Solidarity movement
had sprung to life in Gdansk's Lenin Shipyards. After a tumultuous
infancy, Solidarity seemed doomed to be strangled in its cradle,
as Czechoslovakia's "Prague Spring" had been in 1968.
The stakes were enormously high. A Warsaw Pact invasion
of Poland would almost certainly have met with violent resistance
from the aroused Poles. Had massacres ensued, would the West
have remained idle? As the calendar pages turned in the first
week of December 1980, it seemed entirely possible that Poland,
the flashpoint that ignited World War II in Europe, would
be the flashpoint that ignited World War III --- a war that
could have been fought with nuclear weapons.
Then, remarkably, there was no invasion. Warsaw Pact troops
stopped advancing toward Poland and then retreated. What had
happened?
The USSR,
Kuklinksi concluded, was no "fraternal ally;"
it was a predator, prepared to sacrifice Poland for
its own aggressive purposes.
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While I was preparing Pope John Paul II's biography, I talked
about that hair-raising period with one of the wisest men
I've ever known, Jan Nowak, former director of Radio Free
Europe's Polish service (and a recipient of the Presidential
Medal of Freedom, America's highest civilian honor). Jan told
me that two men had saved Poland from invasion.
One was a familiar name: Zbigniew Brzezinski, who in December
1980 was serving his last weeks as President Carter's national
security adviser. As Jan unfolded the tale, though, Brzezinski
could do what he did because of an unheralded figure who died
in relative obscurity last month, after living in exile under
an assumed name for 23 years. His real name was Ryszard Kuklinski.
By 1980, Colonel Kuklinski had spent his entire adult life
in the Polish Army. A tour with the International Control
Commission in Vietnam in 1967-68, where he met many Americans,
convinced him that communist propagandists were painting a
false portrait of the United States.
Then, in August 1968, the reform communism of the "Prague
Spring" was crushed beneath the treads of Soviet tanks; Kuklinski
was appalled. His concerns increased exponentially when he
became a senior Polish Army war-planner with access to the
highest-level information. In his new position, Kuklinski
learned that Soviet military doctrine anticipated a western
nuclear response to a Soviet invasion of western Europe ---
a response that would fall, not on the USSR (which would risk
global catastrophe) but on Poland, as the second wave of Soviet
troops, tanks, and materiel passed through Kuklinski's homeland
en route to the west. The USSR, Kuklinksi concluded, was no
"fraternal ally;" it was a predator, prepared to sacrifice
Poland for its own aggressive purposes.
What
was a Polish patriot to do? Kuklinksi offered his services
to the United States and for nine years (1972-1981) was the
single most important western intelligence asset behind the
iron curtain. At daily risk of his life, Colonel Kuklinski
provided the U.S. government with some 50,000 pages of highly-classified
documents that were of immeasurable assistance to Western
defense planners and arms control negotiators.
Ryszard Kuklinski's greatest service came in the Solidarity
crisis of late 1980, when he gave the U.S. the entire operational
plan for the proposed Warsaw Pact invasion of his homeland.
With that in hand, Zbigniew Brzezinski and private-sector
leaders like the AFL-CIO's Lane Kirkland were able to organize
an international trade embargo of the USSR, should an invasion
take place; such an embargo, a de facto blockade, would have
been a devastating blow to the already tottering Soviet economy,
and the Soviets backed off.
Martial law, imposed in Poland a year later, was bad enough.
A Warsaw Pact invasion, given its possible international consequences,
risked Armageddon. By providing the crucial intelligence that
helped forestall the invasion, Colonel Kuklinski may well
have prevented a nuclear holocaust.
Kuklinski's remarkable story is now told in gripping detail
in Benjamin Weiser's A Secret Life: The Polish Officer, His
Covert Mission, and the Price He Paid to Save His Country
(Public Affairs). I wish the book a broad readership. Despite
the fact that Ryszard Kuklinski was abruptly taken from us
by death last month, it's never too late to get to know a
man of principle, a true hero of freedom.
George Weigel is a senior fellow of the Ethics and Public
Policy Center in Washington, D.C.
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